​Where the Rivers Meet (WTRM) Website




"I have no Indian name: that is my name.  

I have no Indian language: that is my language.

Cited Anthropologists:

Christy Turner – studied teeth.

Linguistic Fission

Sir William Jones – John Wesley Powell (Bureau of American Ethnology)



Notes for the Mid-Term

Notes on the Cree Hunters. - a group of three families, Cree hunters from Mistassini. Since times predating agriculture, this First Nations people have gone to the bush of the James Bay and Ungava Bay area to hunt. We see the building of the winter camp, the hunting and the rhythms of Cree family life.

Due to James Bay Agreement, there is competition for the use of land used by the Cree and Inuit for at least 3,000 years.  Development to take place on their hunting grounds.  Film is  a reaction to the James Bay Agreement damage to cree life styles.

\Sept - June each year hunters spread themselves over dozens of hunting camps.
They live off the animals that they can catch.  Beaver is the most important of these animals.  

Sam Blacksmith - invited two other families to hunt with him (the Jolly's and the Voyageur's), the Voyager's do nto have their own hunting grounds.  Sam agreed to film the reality and quality of Cree life in the bush.   

Killing animals - cut in pieces and smoke this keeps the meat for a long time.  When a bear is killed, there is a feast; only have the bear and its head is eaten - the meat is boiled in a soup.  

Flooring for the tents is spruce boughs...moss is used for insulating the lodge to protect the people from the cold winter.   They are picked out by the women and renewed twice a week - the lodge always smells fresh and clean - despite the fact that 16 people share the lodge....

Sam invited two other families to hunt and live with him during the hunting time because he was alone, he hoped that they could share the animals and work collectively to ensure survival over the season. He hoped they got many animals as he did (equity?)...

Evening string games - entertainment/pass time....
Women's work - chops wood, sets up the bear skin for tanning, split the firewood, gather the spruce boughs for the floor, prepare the food and the skins  and keep the camp running smoothly...the daily need to catch enough food, everyone has a place in the scheme of daily life....everyone must help.  CHildren learn by watching and working with their parents.  

In the fall, the people can live in tents, but for the more hard-core winter, they must build a winter lodge.  Use chain saws - speeds up the work and uses little gasoline, thFor three hundred years, the Cree have only taken things from the mainstream that help them in the bush.  Logs are cut so they can reflect the maximum of the life...all 16 people will live in the lodge and therefore have a role in building and maintainng the winter lodge. 

Humour in the construction of the lodge, the ability to laugh at mistakes...

Hunting skills and knowledge - 1) locate the animals before the winter arrives; he finds out just where they are and then detail plans for capturing them int he winter. WHEN THE FUR IS AT ITS BEST... when survival depends on life, then you cannot afford to make mistaeks. 

canoeing, the men can canoe for days, there are many lakes, so portaging between lakes etc., is required as well..outdoor motors are not practical in this sort of counrty.  they are checking  bear trap...killing ducks and geese is while checking out the bear locations is good too..use rifles

LAND - Sam had been hunting in his area for some 30 years(1940s - 1970s); he got the land after an unrelated man who hunted there befor died.  Sam has hunted and "taken care fo the land" since...he hopes to pass it on to his family abnd he hopes they take care fo the land... no description of what taking care of the land menat... NOte:  Other family have their territory a rest.. so that could be part of his meaning>>>>so there will be someting there when we becomes scarce if theyhunt everyb winter.we do not give up our land, it is still theres when they are not there physicallly.

Cree hunters don't swim!  as the waters are cold, Indian drowning sare almost unknown, they don't tip out of their canoes....

Smoking is normal, 

Lodge caulking with moss on the outside of the lodge, the trees in the particular area being filmed are not good, so they provide extra challenge in being built but this type of lodge must be built as they expect a hard winter....lodge is made from things available in the forest (other than plastic sheets and nails)...a new lodge is built every Autumn...becasue they hunt in a different part of the territory every year....

Native Thought - about the land.... one who depends on the land cherishes (loves) the land...(s)he cherishes the wayof life of the people...appreciates what he getsf rom the land...and will always go to the land when life is hard...this is the life of aperson who truly respects the land...

Land ownership...even if he says he does own the land, he cannot own the land...because he eventually dies...nobody can predict the futrue...

Religious respect for the animals for which they live in a delicate balance... ritual for killing, eating and caring fo the bones of the animals.  Sam puts the remains of an animal on a specially built platform so that the dogs can't get (violate) at these remains...

Cree's on the Bear - bear thinks himself as the most important animal..nothing can be hidden from the bear...bear knows everything...even when you talk about him..bear knows he is not well respected...then it becomes very hard to kill him again...the bear wants to be respected so one of the ways for the Cree is to hang the front arms of the bear on a tree; they are wrapped in birch bark... this practics started a long time ago and on the shores, sam is not sure why...

Outside world - flying visits from a fur traders and priests... this year, they could not catch caribou or moose, so thye caught smaller animals like rabbit, beaver, partridges and ducks...

Three families lived together without accidents, quarrels or illness, children healthy and happy despite a hard winter...snow shoes double as carriages for small kills....winter hard, 

relations to climate - all seasons are good...lodge adopts to deep snow and coldness of winter...they still eat good,are warm.  each family stays in their corner of the lodge, each hunter feeds his own family, but acareful watch is kept to see..that no one goes without....through a judiciary mixture of communal living and privacy, the Cree people have worked out a system of tolerance which enables them to live happily togeter in this confined space for many months...

Hunting, usually gone abut two weeks when hunting for big game..women stay behind,...they spend about 10 nights all winter with their women...that is part of the price of survial on the land..hunting lifestyles, etc... on hunting trips, there is one other thing the hunters are after...and that is the beaver...beaver is essential for meat and for fur.. hunters are  given a quota on a number of beaver's they can catch...quota is based on the number of occupied beaver lodges, the hunters identify on their territoy and trap lines...they may choose NOT to hunt the beaver this winter, and join other teams to allow their own land to rest...

Trapping - hunters know where the beaver lodges are, and how many beavers in it....Sam knew of one beaver lodge with two beavers living in it, that is where he is setting up their traps..fairly sure that he can catch both...

Teaching young the skills; shows young people the signs of the beaver, (the beaver for esample can chop down a tree and take it up creek...

Teaching is by observiing, helping and "hands-on"....beaver behaviour is described and taught, how to recognize where the beaver is...where to set the trap, how to understand how the constructionof a site cna help in hunting...trap should include twigs, to tempt the beaver to eat...the trail used by the beaver to get into the the beaver wants to build the height of the to set up the sticks to entice the beaver to enrter the only shoot him when he comes up to the land .... 

Trapping - hunters know where the beaver lodges are, and how many beavers in it....Sam knew of one beaver lodge with two beavers living in it, that is where he is setting up their traps..fairly sure that he can catch both...

Teaching young the skills; shows young people the signs of the beaver, (the beaver for esample can chop down a tree and take it up creek...water is low, it will be higher inthe spring...some children kept from school to learn trapping and hunting skills,...there is an interest to pass on the hunting/trapping skillls to at least some of their children....

Carving tools and the lodge...canoe paddles, tables, sewing material and clothing...

Mother to Daughter....getting wood, spruce boughs , takes care o the kill that ocmes in, skins, cleans and stretches beaver...those kinds of things are passed from women to the family.

Most kids speak english and went to school, but experience has shown that they can forget their skills and Indian ways.....

1970s saw an increase in hutning from the 60's and 50s' (few years ago).

Beaver, oil/whatever onthe beaver is taken off by the snow...they are hunt to 

James Bay beaver fur - valuable, price is good because of the preparation and skinnign of the pelts...

1970s saw an increase in hutning from the 60's and 50s' (few years ago).

Beaver, oil/whatever onthe beaver is taken off by the snow...they are hunt to 

James Bay beaver fur - valuable, price is good because of the preparation and skinnign of the pelts...

Mistakes are laughed at, defurring the rabit, or putting up the lodge roof.

rabbit parts are hung on the tree...respect...

Beaver pelts...tanned and ready to be picked up by plane...letters come in from friends from Mistassini by wya of the plane...

Valuing and selling the fur is an exciting time...they preapre the occasion by new spruce boughs and furniture, etc. put together from the forest for this occasion (the table built by Sam).... Fur trader measures the fur, checks out hte fur's quality., given a cheque..the fur trader also brings supplies forthe Indinas to buy...

HBC Mangers...he travels to many hunting camps (74 of them this winter, he tries to cover about 4 every day) ,buying furs, selling supplies and bringing mail....and giving the cheques for the fur...

Lodge abandonned by March - by June all families back in Mistassini for the summer

Resting the land ... to ensure enough game over the long-term...
Family play, boy's haircuts, learning to play with snowshoes, etc....cutting boys hair, Sam enjoys and laughs, uses rabbit foot to brush hair off the boy's face.

Spring - looking for big games...crossed territoreis, (into Ronnie's land so Ronnie,becomes the lead hunter)....they shoot moose, merciful and quick kiling...they killed four mooses..and had to cover lots of territory..they prepared the moose (cut it up - butchered it) on site.....some meat can be left in a caches...and can be picked up later...they have enough meat to take back to Mistassini to share with their relatives....
Dead mother, had an baby moose, so the fetus moose was taken aside...and fed its mothers meat, so it the moose will flourish,,...

successful hunt - gives the men a real sense of fulfillment...which calls for a feast....part of the food is put into the gives back to the outside where it came from...(reciprocity)...tobacco is also offered and burned for the outside...was established lont time ago, bear grease is rubbed in a feast...we are helped to think of good things, we also rub the rifles iwth bear grease....the bear is an important animal, hence the rubbing of its grease....

Dreum and singing - part ofthe feast can end till the drum is played, the drum must be handed once...around the lodge and returned to where it starts; hunters song celebrate the successes of the days hunt.. reflective thinking underlines the imporatnce...

each family walks about 10 miles (womenm, children and men) to their own camps, etc...good byes are said...and close relationships are the end and breeak up of the lodge...

1972 Crees took James Bay Agreement to court arguing that the project will destroy their way of life...this was unresolved at the itme of the filming of this documentary....

Personal Notes:
Native Peoples:  The Canadian Experience 4th Ed
C.Roderick Wilson and Christopher Fletcher (eds), 2014

Class Power Point:  file:///C:/Users/Office%20of%20Research/Desktop/ANTH%202142/Week%202/2017%2005-16%20Prehistory,%20History%20and%20Ways%20of%20Knowing%20-%20Part%201%20only.pdf


Chapter 2 – From the Beginning:  Canadian Peoples Old and New

General Comments:  I liked the “best knowledge and truth claims” that are reasonable to believe based on evidence.  The sense of the “state of knowledge now” seems to be…. – very good.


Wilson/Orion summarize that

We can make reasonable guesses:

We can look at traditional ways of thinking of Native People across the New world to get a sense of their world view; this is inferred by the stories and remembered history of Native peoples living today.
We can safely say that there are some matters of importance and interest that can be said given that the ancestors were real people in time and space about whom we may not know many things, but we can know some.
Native people and anthropologists frequently see things differently and speak about things differently (using different vocabularies, but conversation on thises matter are possible and important.

Wilson/Urion  - points

Native people have their own way of speaking.  Creation stories a point to be considered.  Archeologists/anthropologists claim archeological evidence and other tools of study indicates that Native people were in Canada for at least 12,000 years, whereas indigenous elders claim that we have always been here:

Creation and other stories define the nature of reality and spiritual power, the basis of relationships within the group, and the nature of relationships with external groups.
Stories are not “right or wrong”, they are just stories.  Story is told in its own vocabulary; the resulting conflicts in view are more apparent than real.  Native Elders commonly assert that the First Nations have been here forever, since the creation of the World, whereas archeologist place the original peopling of the New World to as recently as 12,000 years ago.
How do these “inconsistencies” - How does one relate the archaeological discourse of hypothetical carbon-dated years of the discourse of Aboriginal origin myths? 

One approach is to even ask why 12,000 years means in terms of the history of western culture?  Western framework is only 4,000 years old.  Some proto-Indo-Europeans the small horticultural group ancestral to speakers of modern languages ranging from Hindi and Russian in the east to Icelandic a Portuguese in the west, they began their migrations about 8,000 years ago in terms of modern research. 
In North America, this inhabiting is far more distant than most ancestral events in Western culture for which there is any glimmering of cultural memory. 
Thus, Native Elders and archeologists are saying similar things, that 12,000 years ago in almost any sense, is the beginning of the world.

A second way of dealing with apparent contradiction is to note that the Aboriginal and anthropological (western) narrative are origins myths, but are written in different modes. 

Aboriginal narratives are not primarily about time and space but about relationships.
Ancestors had no sense of “going somewhere” and their remembered narratives reflect that.
These = like the Navajo – can be seen as narrative about the nature of their relationship to the Creator and his provisions not what year they arrived.

Section 2 – Chapter2

The Settling of the Continent:  Viewpoints from Physical Anthropology

“Amerindian” is a term that suggests that in general the Aboriginal inhabitants in North and South America are more like each other than they’re like people deriving from elsewhere in the globe.  This implies that Amerindians have been here for a long time, long enough to become somewhat distinct from the other peoples.
Amerindians are more like people from eastern Asia than anywhere else.  This does not prove that the long-distance ancestors of Native People came from Asia, but it does suggest a strong possibility (what about the Negroid evidence in Brazil).
Amerindians and Asian share common characteristics:  physical appearance, bone structure, heritable traits – blood protein can be treated mathematically as an index of genetic similarity, DNA research focusing on the Y chromosomes (male line of descent) – indicate non-African humans are descended from an individual who lived in East Africa about 60,000 years ago. 
Mitochondrial DNA (female line) indicate the following”:

The ancestors emerged from a single-source ancestral population that probably developed in a period of 5,000 to 15,000 years of isolation in Beringia during time which they became close kin in East Asia and Siberia.
This founding population had no more than four major haplotype mtDNAS which indicate that it was relatively small and
The founding haplotypes are uniformly distributed across the Americas which indicate that the hemisphere was populated relatively quickly soon reaching the tip of South America. 
There has been some back migration of populations from North America to Siberia, that some Siberian population s derive from North American groups.   Late entry into North America is about 12,000 years ago.,

Teeth – have provided some evidence to distinguish several sub-types of new world peoples; the Eskimoan, the Athapaskans (and some Northwest Coast groups) and all the other Aboriginal peoples.  All these groups closely associate with fossil populations coming from distinct Northeastern Asia.  This is suggestive of three waves of immigration (migratory streams) – with the Eskimoans being the most recent. Preceded by Athapaskans.

Section 3 – Chapter 2 – Viewpoints from Linguistic Anthropology:  Language Classification Systems.

A common language indicates a shared past.
It is equally possible to claim that because dialects existed on a widespread basis, then contemporary languages might have – in time – evolved into separate languages, these families of related language suggest the processes of linguistic fission.

1891 – John Wesley Powell

He said there were 58 Aboriginal languages (later he changed it to 51 different stocks).
Powell’s classification

Virtually no info on some of the languages
He assumed that all Amerindian languages represented a single state of evolutionary development and therefor ignored grammar as a factor in determining relationships and
Because the primary purpose of making the classification was to provide a basis for the placement of tribe on specific reservations, there was no interest in the degree of relationship but only in the fact of a relationship.

1921 Edward Sapir

Reduced the number of aboriginal languages into six stocks.
Sapir tended to lump languages together, he classified Beothuk as an Algonkian language, because the Algonkians were neighbors.

1986 – Regna Darnell

Pointed out that most linguistics chose one or the other of the two systems above, the field was not generally conservative in that there were growing instances on thoroughly demonstrating relationships.

1987 – Joseph Greenberg – came up with a radial proposal; that there were three basic groupings in the New World; Eskimo-Aleut, Na-Dene, and Eurasiatic (diverse stocks of languages)

Greenburg links geographically distant people whose separation is well over 20,000 years.
Methodologically, rather than point analysis of sound, word and grammatical subsystems comparing two language at a time, repeating the process and reconstructing a hypothesized protolanguage – he looks at words only and only does so for large number of languages at the same time. 
Speakers of second and third wave languages may have derived most their genes from first wave sources

Scholarly Work

2011. Feminism and the Anthropology of ‘Development’: Dilemmas in Rural Mexico. Anthropology in Action 18(1):16-28. Special Issue: Feminist Anthropology Confronts Disengagement.

2009. Recent Research on Rural Mexico: New Politics, Indigeneities, and Political Economies [Review Essay]. Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 34(67): 197-2008.

2007. Anthropological Perspectives on Environmental Concerns in Rural Mexico: Ethnography in the Calakmul Model Forest, Campeche. In Across Borders: Diverse Perspectives on Mexico: Collected Essays of Contributors to the 11th Annual International Studies Symposium. J. Perkins and K. Campbell, eds. Pp. 71-96. Toronto, ON: International Studies Symposium, Glendon College.

2003. Embroidery as Participation? Women in the Calakmul Model Forest, Campeche, Mexico. Canadian Woman Studies / les cahiers de la femme, Special Issue on Women and Sustainability: From Rio de Janeiro (1992) to Johannesburg (2002) 23(1):159-167.

Images of Prayer Books written in Miq'maw writing system

• The Lord's Prayer spoken in Mi'qmaki:

Some interesting recording of spoken Mi'kmaki, a trickster story told in English and Kyrie sung in Mi'kmaki at

Conservation of a Mikmaq Prayer Book​

A. Beginnings

B.  The Settling of the Continent1.Viewpoints from Physical Anthropology
2.Viewpoints from Linguistic Anthropology
3.Viewpoints from Archaeological Anthropology

C.  The General Archaeological Sequence1.Paleo-Indian Stage (11,500-7,500 BP)
2.After the Paleo-Indians: Western Canada
3.Eastern Canada: Archaeic Period (9,500-3,000 BP)
4.Eastern Canada: The Woodland Period (3,300 BP-Historic Era)
5.Boreal Forests and Subarctic Tundra
6.The Arctic

D.  A Millennium of European Immigration1.Alliances in Trade and Warfare
2.European Expansion into the Interior during the 18th Century
3.A Tide of Immigration and the Beginning of the Reserve Era

​-According to these authors, “the first people:

  - came to this continent from what is now Siberia”   - earlier than was previously thought,

  - via a land bridge and its coastal waters

  - that existed intermittently from 70,000 to 12,000   years ago.

  -They first spread down the Pacific Coast, then   into the continents interior

  - Later, the Eskimoans moved across the Arctic   from west to east


  - the base for these cultures was established   in Siberia by 28,000 BP

  - Miliken site near Hell’s Gate on the Fraser   River,   “a natural location for fishing,” has   continuous   record of occupation for last   9,000 years.

​  - The Haida have occupied Haida Gwaii for 10,000   years,   possibly longer…


  -Interior Plateau of BC less well known

  Plains depopulated 7,500-5,000 years ago

  Head-Smashed in Buffalo Jump, AB in use   from   5,700 BP

​-“archaic” is an unfortunate term

  - southern Labrador burial mound, 7,500 BP

  - Ontario, Quebec, later New Brunswick and   Maine, around 6,000 BP started placing grave   goods in burial sites, indicating an extensive trade   network

​4. Eastern Canada: The Woodland Period (3,300 BP-Historic Era)

  -northern extension of a settled, agricultural   way of life largely originating in Mexico

  -nomadic hunting and ceramic making

  -associated with Algonquin language family,   but in southern Ontario Iroquoian speakers

  -beginning 1100 BP Iroquoian palisaded   villages with corn fields and large ossuaries

. Boreal Forests and Subarctic Tundra


  - inhabited after the glaciers melted, around   10,000 years BP

  -in eastern Manitoba and western Ontario started making pottery around 2,200 years BP, influenced by nearby Great Lakes and Plains cultures  

​. The Arctic

  -most recently inhabited part of Canada

  -4,000 years ago people spread eastward from   Alaska: Paleo-Eskimo

  -300 years after Independence I people, second wave of Paleo-Eskimo (Pre-Dorset) moved east from Alaska

  -developed into Dorset culture by 2,500 BP, flourished and recolonized edges of sea

  - Thule people, after adopting Japanese invention of large floats of animal skin, developed in Alaska, spread across Arctic from west to east – a third wave…

  -Did Thule displace Dorset? Intermarry with them?



UPPER RIGHT:  Rita Coolidge of the group Walela.  

I chose the song cause "I have no Indian Name" either!  Many of us were separated from our indigenous communities in one way or another.  Some by abortion, foster/adoption, others by apprehension, some by generations of disconnect where knowledge of their parents, nations, etc., is non-existent.  And others, like myself, we were born as non-natives and as a legal status.  My separation from the community was forced on me by my mom's decision to give up her status according to the world of the 1950s Indian Act (1951) and a clause 12(1)(b) that later was seen as discriminatory towards women, so eventually Canada reinstated us under the original C-31.  More recently, this discrimination was addressed on a three generation level. 

Growing up in the 70s and spending at least 40 years in the struggle, central to my experience was the experience of regaining my indigenous identity and then balancing it with my Celtic or Scottish heritage.  It has taken years, I am better at understanding at 60 years old than I was at 40, but life is a life-long learning project.

So, the idea of connecting "I have no Indian Name" to the this section of the website was to acknowledge the role of education (workshops, conferences, online classes, etc) was a way of regaining knowledge to support a reflective growing in to one's authentic and dignified self.  ​Having a "name" signifies who you are, but for many of us it is also a life long struggle to get back in full circle to that place of knowing who our "indigenous selves" are again.  Our lives become about taking back our "Indian name" in our time, place and context.  Awesome song. 




Overview - Reel Injun explores the imagery of indigneous North Americans for the most part to see how they were (and are) portrayed in film.   

Indigenous children - the impact of these images on them, their self-image and defeatist messaging. This was true especially of the "Indian and Cowboy" movies.  The second area where the impact of these images was seen in the class of indigenous kids when they watched the massacre scene in Soldier Blue.  The kids saw family being killed in violence, they saw the slaughter of horses and other children; the impact was very moving.

Representation of Language - "Crazy Horse" does not mean that the man was crazy but rather that he worked with horses were spirited.  The aboriginal word and it's western interpretation reflect an opposite understanding of what was trying to be communicated by the word.  Language in "cowboy-indian" movies was not necessarily indigenous.  Some films english was just played backwards to make language sound foreign.  Later the movies started to create sub-titles to interpret what the indigeneous dialogue was referring to in English words.  

"Indian Cowboy Myth" - given that the horse was not indigenous to this land and introduced by the Spanish in the 1600's, the relationship of indigenous adoption of the horse is very interesting.   There is a relationship that develops with the horse and it is a relationship I think that reflects a world view - a metaphysics - of inter-connectedness, animal powers, holistic relationships which existed in many forms but shared widely with groups of people who were and are dependent on the earth and other creatures for their and our survival.

Noble Savage romanticism - Indigenous peoples were portrayed as wise, eco-centric and connected as the Disney portrayal of Pochohantas and other movies.  There is a desire it seems that humans have for a less complicated world that is more secure in terms of personal safety, food/drink, social needs and so forth.  There is a search for indigeneity amongst all peoples as all peoples are indigenous to their lands, or lands that there has been a group attachment for many many thousands of years.  

Indigenous People as Honoured Warriors - In movies like Custer's Last Stand, Ira Hayes, Wind-talkers, etc., aboriginal peoples are portrayed as honoured warriors, fighting for their lands and way of life.  

Everyone wants to be Indian; why? - It was noted in the film by Adam Beach and others that everyone to a degree relates somehow, there is romanticism and indeed a search for indigeneity of their own.  John Trudell speaks of this inner desire to re-connect with an indigenous home.  Grey Owl, the "man of action" and the Italian who fell in love with the indigenous culture actually became Indian.

White Indians - many actors and others have adopted the indigenous way and live a better indigenous life than many indigenous people do themselves.  This is an question of identity and to me they are Indian.  Being indigenous is not about blood but about membership in a people. [Iron Eyes Cody, Grey Owl]  - Many non-indigenous people feel that their lives "were saved" and their lives took on meaning.

Role of Humour - the ability to laugh is a way of survival.  It has helped relieve stress and allows us to take a more human look at ourselves as imperfect sentient beings. 

Authenticity of Film - in the 1920's the "Silent Enemy" made an honest attempt to portray American Indians in a more realistic way.  The endevoured to find aboriginal actors.  The actors were able to speak their language unchecked initially, but I think in the 60's they started to be translated in the indigenous language. 

Pan-Indian Identity - every Indian became a plains Indian.  This was convenient for Hollywood but hardly representative of the diversity of our peoples. 

"Stage Coach" was instrumental in nailing down the Indian image in film and introduced "Tonto speak".  

"The only good Indian is a dead Indian" - many Americans portrayed in the movies viewed the Native American as stopping real Americans from settling their country.  Manifest Destiny and all that.  (Distant Trumpet, 1964), 

The Groovy IndianAmerican Indians in the 60's were seen as free-spiritied, everyone was part Cherokee and everyone started to dress like stereotypical Indians.  Indians  in the 60's became a symbol and gathering place to stand up for those oppressed.

"Spirit of a People" - John Trudell in the section on the occupation of Alcatrez talked about how the spirit of a people came back and really that was the beginning of the resurgence starting in 1970s for American Indians. 

"Outside of Us" - writers, directors, etc., portray us, define us and label us.  When we break away from that dynamic and we see ourselves, that is empowering.  Ownership of image reclaims character.  Billy Jack (1971), Soldier Blue, Little Big Man, Black Robe all started to show us ourselves again.

Rennaisance of Indigenous writers, directors, etc., allow us to tell our story now.  What are our stories?  It is to be human and that Indians aren't dead. 


Mi'kmaq Family (Migmaoei Otjiosog)

For Kwantlen Polytechnic University Students:


Type your paragraph here.



CLASS 10 - EASTERN WOODLANDS - Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) Wendat (Huron), and Mi'kmaq

Kwantlen Polytechnic University 

May-August 2017

ANTH 2142 S10


Ice-Age Land Bridgesother than the one we were taught about up until the 80s was not limited to the Bering Straight Bridge.  There could of been other bridges and there is good evidence of a bridge linking North America with southern France and Spain (Europe).  The archaeology evidence now points to the crossing of the Atlantic land bridge some 5,000 years before the Bering crossing.  This dates the people of American back to 17,000 years BP.

The Solutrean hypothesis,

first proposed in 1998, is a hypothesis about the settlement of the Americas that claims that people from Europe may have been among the earliest settlers of the Americas.[1][2] Its notable proponents include Dennis Stanford of the Smithsonian Institution and Bruce Bradley of the University of Exeter.[3] The Solutrean Hypothesis contrasts with the[4] mainstream archaeological orthodoxy that the North American continent was first populated by people from Asia, either by the Bering land bridge (i.e. Beringia) at least 13,500 years ago,[5] or by maritime travel along the Pacific coast, or by both.

According to the Solutrean hypothesis, people of the Solutrean culture, 21,000 to 17,000 years ago,[6] in Ice Age Europe migrated to North America by boat along the pack ice of the north Atlantic Ocean. They brought their methods of making stone tools with them and provided the basis for the later (c. 13,000 years ago) Clovis technology that spread throughout North America. The hypothesis is based on similarities between European Solutrean and Clovis lithic technologies.

The Solutrean Culture


Supporters of the Solutrean hypothesis refer to recent archaeological finds such as those at Cactus Hill in Virginia, Meadowcroft Rockshelter in Pennsylvania, and Miles Point in Maryland as evidence of a transitional phase between Solutrean lithic technology and what was later to become Clovis technology.

In 2009, anthropologist David J. Meltzer criticized the hypothesis, stating, "Few if ny archaeologists—or, for that matter, geneticists, linguists, or physical anthropologists—take seriously the idea of a Solutrean colonization of America."


Solutrean culture was based in present-day France, Spain and Portugal, from roughly 21,000 to 17,000 years ago. The manufacture of stone tools from this period is distinguished by bifacial, percussion and pressure-flaked points. The Solutrean toolmaking industry disappeared from Europe around 17,000 years ago, replaced by the lithic technology of the Magdalenian culture.[citation needed]

Clovis tools are characterized by a distinctive type of spear point, known as the Clovis point. Solutrean and Clovis points do have common traits: the points are thin and bifacial, and both use the "outrepassé", or overshot flaking technique, that quickly reduces the thickness of a biface without reducing its width.[citation needed] The Clovis point differs from the Solutrean in that some of the former have bifacial fluting, referring to the long groove carved into the bottom edge of a point to help attach it to the head of a spear. Bifacial fluting describes blades on which this feature appears on both its sides.

Clovis toolmaking technology appears in the archaeological record in much of North America between 12,800 and 13,500 years ago. Older blades with this attribute have yet to be discovered from sites in either Asia or Alaska.[8]

Atlantic Crossing

Water temperatures during the last glacial maximum, according to CLIMAP.

The Solutrean hypothesis theorizes that Ice Age Europeans may have crossed the North Atlantic Ocean along the edge of pack ice that extended from the Atlantic coast of France to North America during the last glacial maximum. The model postulates early inhabitants may have made the crossing in small boats, using skills similar to those of the modern Inuit people: hauling out on ice floes at night; collecting fresh water from melting icebergs or the first-frozen parts of sea ice; hunting seals and fish for food; and using seal blubber as heating fuel. Among other evidence, they cite the discovery in the Solutrean toolkit of bone needles used for sewing waterproof clothing from animal hides similar to those still in use among modern Inuit.[9]

Genetic Research

Distribution of haplogroup X, strongest in Anatolia, Europe, and the North-Eastern coast of America.
Haplogroup Q is the most common haplogroup among American Indian and some indigenous Siberian populations.[10]
Spread of haplogroup R1 – haplogroup R1 is the second most common haplogroup among American Indians.

Supporters of the Solutrean hypothesis had pointed to the presence of haplogroup X, the global distribution of which is strongest in Anatolia and the northeast of America, a pattern argued to be consistent with their position. Michael Brown in a 1998 article identified this as evidence of a possible Caucasian founder population of early Americans spreading from the northeast coast.[11]

However, a 2008 article in the American Journal of Human Genetics by researchers in Brazil took up the argument against the Solutrean hypothesis. "Our results strongly support the hypothesis that haplogroup X, together with the other four main mtDNA haplogroups, was part of the gene pool of a single Native American founding population; therefore they do not support models that propose haplogroup-independent migrations, such as the migration from Europe posed by the Solutrean hypothesis."[12]

An article in the January 2012 issue of the American Journal of Physical Anthropology tends to argue against the Solutrean theory on genetic grounds. Researchers in Italy argued that the distinctively Asian C4c and the disputed X2a had "parallel genetic histories." The abstract of that article also states that "[t]he similarities in ages and geographical distributions for C4c and the previously analyzed X2a lineage provide support to the scenario of a dual origin for Paleo-Indians. Taking into account that C4c is deeply rooted in the Asian portion of the mtDNA phylogeny and is indubitably of Asian origin, the finding that C4c and X2a are characterized by parallel genetic histories definitively dismisses the controversial hypothesis of an Atlantic glacial entry route into North America."[13]

A 2014 genetic analysis published in the journal Nature reported that the DNA from a 24,000-year-old skeleton excavated in Central Siberia provided mitochondrial, Y chromosomal, and autosomal genetic evidence that suggests 14 to 38% of Native American ancestry originates from an ancient Western Eurasian population. The Mal'ta era skeleton's mitochondrial genome belonged to mtDNA haplogroup U, which has also been found at high frequencies among Mesolithic European hunter-gatherers. The authors state that their findings have four implications, the third being that "such an easterly presence in Asia of a population related to contemporary western Eurasians provides a possibility that non-east Asian cranial characteristics of the First Americans derived from the Old World via migration through Beringia, rather than by a trans-Atlantic voyage from Iberia as proposed by the Solutrean hypothesis."[14]

Mal'ta boy had YDNA haplogroup R1* which is common to both Europeans and Native Americans. Haplogroup R1 (Y-DNA) is the second most predominant Y haplotype found among indigenous Amerindians after Q (Y-DNA).[10] The distribution of R1 is believed to be associated with the re-settlement of Eurasia following the last glacial maximum. One theory put forth is that it entered the Americas with the initial founding population.[15] A second theory is that it was introduced during European colonization.[10] R1 is very common throughout all of Eurasia except East Asia and Southeast Asia. R1 (M173) is found predominantly in North American groups like the Ojibwe (79%), Chipewyan (62%), Seminole (50%), Cherokee (47%), Dogrib (40%) and Tohono O'odham (Papago) (38%).[10]

In 2014, the autosomal DNA of a 12,500+-year-old infant from Montana was sequenced.[16] The DNA was taken from a skeleton referred to as Anzick-1, found in close association with several Clovis artifacts. Comparisons showed strong affinities with DNA from Siberian sites, and the report stated that "In agreement with previous archaeological and genetic studies our genome analysis refutes the possibility that Clovis originated via a European (Solutrean) migration to the Americas." The DNA also showed strong affinities with all existing Native American populations, which indicated that all of them derive from an ancient population that lived in or near Siberia, the Upper Palaeolithic Mal'ta population.[17] Anzick-1 Y-haplogroup is Q.

A 2015 report re-evaluated the DNA evidence. Stating the possibility that evidence might be uncovered that supports a trans-Atlantic migration, they state that "X2a has not been found anywhere in Eurasia, and phylogeography gives us no compelling reason to think it is more likely to come from Europe than from Siberia. Furthermore, analysis of the complete genome of Kennewick Man, who belongs to the most basal lineage of X2a yet identified, gives no indication of recent European ancestry and moves the location of the deepest branch of X2a to the West Coast, consistent with X2a belonging to the same ancestral population as the other founder mitochondrial haplogroups. Nor have any high-resolution studies of genome-wide data from Native American populations yielded any evidence of Pleistocene European ancestry or trans-Atlantic gene flow."[18]


The Solutrean hypothesis is challenged by large gaps in time between the Clovis and Solutrean eras, a lack of evidence of Solutrean seafaring, lack of specific Solutrean features and tools in Clovis technology, the difficulties of the route and other issues.[19][20]

Arthur J. Jelinek, an anthropologist who took note of similarities between Solutrean and Clovis styles in a 1971 study, observed that the great geographical and temporal separation of the two cultures made a direct connection unlikely, since the dates of the proposed transitional sites and the Solutrean period in Europe only overlap at the extremes. He also argued that crossing the Atlantic with the means available at the time would have been difficult, if not impossible. The opinion is shared by Lawrence G. Straus, who wrote that "there are no representations of boats and no evidence whatsoever either of seafaring or of the ability to make a living mainly or solely from the ocean during the Solutrean."[19] Straus excavated Solutrean artifacts along what is now a coastline in Cantabria, which was some ways inland during the Solutrean epoch. He found seashells and estuarine fish at the sites, but no evidence that deep sea resources had been exploited. Advocates state that the historic coastlines of western Europe and eastern North America during the Last Glacial Maximum are now under water and thus, evidence of Solutrean-era seafaring may have been obliterated or submerged.

Another challenge to the hypothesis involves the paucity of non-technological evidence of a kind we would expect to find transmitted from east to west; cave paintings of a kind associated with the Cave of Altamira in Spain, for instance, are without close parallel in the New World.[21] In response, Bradley and Stanford contend that it was "a very specific subset of the Solutrean who formed the parent group that adapted to a maritime environment and eventually made it across the north Atlantic ice-front to colonize the east coast of the Americas" and that this group may not have exhibited the full range of Solutrean cultural traits.[22] A carved piece of bone depicting a mammoth found near the Vero man site in Florida was dated between 20,000–13,000 BP. It is described as possibly being the oldest art object yet found in the Americas and may yet provide hope for the Solutrean hypothesis.[23] Art historian Barbara Olins has compared the Vero carving to "Franco-Cantabrian" drawings and engravings of mammoths. She notes that the San of southern Africa developed a realistic manner of representing animals similar to the "Franco-Cantabrian" style, hinting that such a style could have evolved in North America independently.[24]

A 2008 study of  relevant oceanographic data from the time period in question, co-authored by Kieran Westley and Justin Dix, concluded, however, that "it is clear from the paleoceanographic and paleo-environmental data that the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) in the North Atlantic does not fit the descriptions provided by the proponents of the Solutrean Atlantic Hypothesis. Although ice use and sea mammal hunting may have been important in other contexts, in this instance, the conditions militate against an ice-edge-following, maritime-adapted European population reaching the Americas."[20] Relying on the location of the ice shelf at the time of the putative Atlantic crossing, they are skeptical that a transoceanic voyage to North America, even allowing for the judicious use of glaciers and ice floes as temporary stopping points and sources of fresh water, would have been feasible for people from the Solutrean era.

The 2012 book Across Atlantic Ice: The Origin of America's Clovis Culture critically evaluate the evidence presented in Stanford and Bradley's book, and find it to be unconvincing. The radiocarbon dates from purported pre-Clovis archaeological sites presented by Stanford and Bradley are consistently earlier in North America—predating Solutrean culture in Europe by 5–10 thousand years.[25] expands upon and revises earlier formulations of the Solutrean Hypothesis. The book received significant media attention but mixed reviews from professional archaeologists. O'Brien and colleagues[26]

In 1970 a stone tool, a biface hand axe, which was later suggested by Stanford and Bailey to resemble Solutrean stone tools was dredged up by the trawler Cinmar off the east coast of Virginia in an area that would have been dry land prior to the rising sea levels of the Pleistocene Epoch. The tool was allegedly found in the same dredge load that contained a mastodon's remains. The mastodon tusks were later determined to be 22,000 years old.[27] In addition several archaeological sites on the Delmarva peninsula with suggestive, but not definitive, dating between 16,000 and 18,000 years have been discovered by Darrin Lowery of the University of Delaware. These factors led Stanford and Bradley to reiterate in 2014 their academic advocacy of pre-Clovis peoples in North America and their possible link to paleolithic Europeans.[28][29]

There are two basic points of contention concerning the Cinmar biface. One is whether its association with the mastodon remains is meaningful, and the other relates to the statement by Stanford and Bradley that the biface is pre-Late Glacial Maximum(LGM) and could not be Late Prehistoric, stating that they rejected that possibility "through an extensive evaluation of collections from the eastern seaboard in which no similar bifaces were identified from any post-LGM context".[30] A report in the January 2015 issue of American Antiquity reviewed the literature and concluded "that the dual claims that such point forms are both rare and do not date to post-LGM contexts cannot be sustained".[30] The same report also examined the 13 artifacts claimed to be older than 22,000 BP finding them to be "indistinguishable from visually identical bipoints from Holocene contexts across the eastern seaboard" concluding, "The widespread distribution of these points, their well-established chronological and culture-historical associations, and the reported association with marine/deep-sea exploitation leads us to conclude that there is no reason to consider bi-points from the Delmarva Peninsula, New England, the Continental Shelf—or indeed anywhere in eastern North America—as necessarily derived from Solutrean culture or as necessarily being 'older than Clovis', much less a distinct pre-Clovis 'cultural pattern'." (Collins et al. 2013)[30]



Language is a powerful, potent marker of identity and culture. Think about the emotional resonance of the term “mother tongue” – the languages we grow up with are our kin, nourishment, and birthright. BC is one of the planet’s most linguistically diverse regions. From a global perspective, it’s known as a linguistic “hotspot” because of the diversity and vitality of the First Nations languages in BC, of which 34 are spoken here.





Para 1 –Folsom Spear - Archaeologists agree that people have lived in the Americas for “at least” 12,000 years.  Prior to the discovery of the FOLSOM stone spear point in 1927 most believed that Native people only lived in the Americas for 3,000 years.  The FOLSOM spear was found embedded withint he ribs of an extinct form of bison, tself relying on geological formation.  This was the evidence to end the debate over 3,000 versus 12,000 years.

Para 2 –Clovis First View -  In the 80s the predominant view was that people in the Americas were here for 12,000 years and associated with the CLOVIS CULTURE.   This conservative view, the Clovis-first view referred to the position that the sites identified as belonging to the Clovis culture (across North America) were the oldest sites on the continent.

Para 3 – Early Entry View – opposed the Clovis-first view in that proponents said that indigenous peoples were here far longer than 12,000 years, suggesting that we were here for 25,000 years or more.  This early entry view is now the predominant view.

Para 5 – Old Crow Site – is in Northern Yukon.  The most famous artifact is a hide flesher made from a caribou leg bone.  It was originally dated as 27,000  BP ut with improved technology it is only 1,350 BP.  Numerous other bones date from 45,000 – 25,000 BP.  The problem this poses is the fact that these artifacts  have been washed out of their original context by the Old Crow River.  Modified bones date reliably back 80,000BP and earlier but we are not sure if these are modified by human hands or other forces.

Para 6 – Early Entry View Response to Old Crow Challenges – they agree that Old Crow is problematic, but given the numerous other sites that are less problematic, the evidence leans on the side of early entry. 

Bluefish Cave – “next door” to Old Crow has an in-situ mammoth bone cores and flakes dated to 24,000 BP
Meadowcroft Rockshelter (Pennsylvania) dates to 18,250 BP and contains artifacts similar to those found in Siberia at the same time.
Monte Verde (southern Chile).  The main site is well preserved because of waterlogged conditions and includes a number of wooden artifacts, food remains in wooden mortars and numerous vegetal food sources.  Site is dated 14,800 BP.

Para 7 – Buttermilk Creek Complex (Texas) – is dated as some 2,500 years before CLOVIS, it reveals a tool kit characterized as highly portable, but involving stone-working techniques out of which Clovis techniques could naturally have evolve.

Para 8 – Paisley Cave (Central Oregon) has 900 coprolites dated over 13,000 years ago.  The value of this was originally questioned cause there were no tools present, since then they have found tools or points from the Western Stemmed Tradition formerly thought to be younger than Clovis.   This become evidence that both traditions may have co-existed or overlapped in time.

Para 9 – The Kennewick Man (Kennewick, Washington) is  a site where a virtually complete human skeleton washing out of the bank of the Columbia River near Kennewick.  Kennewick man was middle age, about 174 cm tall (5ft 7in) tall and died about 9,300 BP and whose narrow long face and brain case and protecting mid facial region appear NOT to be typically Amerindian.  Other skulls and find of the same age show that the group Kennewick man belonged to did not look like contemporary Amerindians.

This difference is reconciled by the idea that the peopling of America started early enough to for genetic changes to take place within local populations.   No need to conclude that Kennewick Man is not ancestral to living Amerindians. 

Para 10 – Bering Straight Bridge – originally it was thought that people moved from Siberia cross the bridge in search of food, etc., then went straight south east of the Rockies.  It seems that this is not quite accurate and that particular interpretation of the land bridge has been weakened.   What is possible is that (1) given that  a glacier free zone east of the Rockies did not exist prior to 11,000 BP a Pacific Coast entry might have been possible and (2) during the ice age the level of sea water is thought to have gone down as much as 120 meters creating land where the Bering Straight now exists and water levels on the Pacific coast would have been lower…allowing entry into North America via that route.   This is hard to prove given that any archaeological evidence is under water.

Para 11 – Other possible routes – Soultrean culture – ( bifacial technology very similar to Clovis) of about 20,000 BP on the north coast of Spain leading to the Clovis culture of America with Europeans skirting the icefield of the North Atlantic in boats and coming down the coast o f southeaster US  where the earliest Clovis sites to date have been found.

Coastal Brazil – is another possible entry site, burials have been discovered that start about 11,000 BP and continues for 3,000 years and show to be African morphological characteristics.

Para 12 – Big Game Hunting sites (11,500-7,500 BP) – Northwestern America – are sites where there is evidence of big game hunting (animals, tool for killing and processing huge animals, etc.)   The two takes on what this implies and the controversy between Clovis First and Early Entry archaeologist are as follows:

Early-entry advocates think that the Clovis First (late entry) advocates simply project this lifestyle int the older past and assume that the very first Amerinds must have lso been big-game hunters and must also have been using the same type of stone hunting tools. 
Clovis culture in North America were primarily foragers and not hunters.  There are also other kinds of tools that do not imply a big game hunting reality so that weakens the Clovis First projection.



 Para 1 – WILSON AND URION’S VIEW – the first peoples came to this continent from what is now Siberia early than was formerly conventionally thought, via a land bridge (or its associated coastal waters) known as Beringia that existed intermittently from 70,000BP to  12,000BP and first spread down the Pacific coast and then into the continent’s interior.

At the point in Canada where the ice melted the people came to settle in.
The Ktunaxa and Salish moved to the BC Interior from the west coast; the Algonkians and then Siouan’s and Iroquoian moved into central and eastern Canada from the south; the Athapaskan moved in to the interior northwest of the coast .  Eskimoans moved across the Arctic in a series of east-west migrations.

Para 2 – The Paleo-Indian Stage (11,500-7,500 BP) – are agreed upon as the first peoples because they (1) provide more evidence and (2) they provided many examples of tools.  Folsom spear and clovis tools are two that have already been mentioned.  The tools are bifcially flaked (worked on both sides), fluted projectile point, a style found widely across America. IN Canada the fluted points have been dated as 10,600 BP (Delbert site, NS).  Other examples include Sibbald Creek @ 9,570 BP (Calgary, AB), Charlie Lake Cave @ 10,500 BP (Ft. St. John, BC).

The Delbert Site
Distribution of fluted points is most extensive in the US but extends to western Beringia.  Paleo-indian cultures were established in Siberia 28,000 BP.
Para 3 – Microblades – these are small, unifacial, parallel sided flakes that presumably were often inset into boon or wood tools – found in Alaska and Yukon before 11,000 BP.

Interest because – (1) these same microblades appear in Siberia 25,000 BP and links people on two continents; (2) their use (microblades) persist for so long on the BC Coast and interior until after 4,000 BP and in the arctic (Paleo Eskimos and/or the Arctic Small Tool Tradition up to 2,800 BP

Para 4 – Plano Points – replace fluted points in the Plains around 10,000 BP.  They were developed around 12,000 BP.  Use ended around 7,500 BP except in Ontario where it they lasted till 5,000 BP. The Plano points were located at such places as Acasta Lake (Keewatin District) and dated 6900 BP and they had side notches. 

Para 5 = Indications of Indigenous settlement –

  • In the Rockies, indigenous people focused on Big game hunting. 
  • In the west there was a more diversified economy developed via the salmon.  Milliken site near Hell’s Gate (Fraser River) has witnessed occupation about 9,000 BP
  • Further north (Namu, - near Port Hardy, BC) provides the longest occupation dating back to 9700 BP.
  • On Your Knees Cave (Alaska’s Prince of Wales Island) revealed human remains and artifacts dating back to 10,000 BP made from material that could only be transported by boats.
  • Sites in Haida-gwaii go back to 10,000 BP and indicate a strong maritime culture.

After the Paleo Indians:  Western Canada

Para 6 – Occupation sites –

Haida’s – have a linguistic isolate as a language; sites are isolated on islands, and show  a growing complexity without significant intrusions, have occupied the island for some 10,000 years at least.
Tssimshian – activity at Prince Ruer began about 5,000 BP and leads directly to the Tshimshian.  The site is waterlogged, and provide an environment for remarkable preservation of perisables after 2,000 BP including holw houses and canoes).
Wakashan history – 4,500 BP
Salish – 3,500 BP

Para 7 – Occupation of Interior Plateau of BC – small villiages appeared by about 6,000 BP, located near good fishing sites

Para 8-9 – Occupation of the Plains – appear to have depopulated between 7500-5000 BP due to the Altithermal.  Head-Smashed-In Buffalo Jump.  Pottery appeared in the prairies before arrowheads.  Farming was also evident.

Eastern Canada (9500-3000 BP)

Para 10 - 11– “archaic” generally refers to people who have a broadly based foraging life-style of hunting and fishing and gathering.

L’Anse Amour  (7,500 BP) Southern Labrador – associated with Maritime Archaic Culture.  It contains the body of a young teenager and (1) numerous grave goods (knives, needles, a flute, etc.) WHICH implies a belief system including an after-life and a productive maritime hunting economy.  And (2) some degree of social differentiation.
By 5,000 BP the Maritime Archaic people had expanded to Newfoundland indicating sea worthy crafts.

The Laurentian Arctic – (southern Ontario and Quebec) then to NB and Maine.  Is about 6,000 BP we started placing graves in burials before that we were more mobile.  There is evidence of an extensive trade network (including conch shells from Mexico), copper from Lake Superior and ground slate points from Maritime Archaic people.